Which IRA? There are several of them these days. And what about "fighting imperialism"? Most of them are decommissioned.
So I don't even know what people like Gred and Gulper here are talking about. Way to generalise a complex and fragmented movement, while the armed struggle is mostly historical anyway (except for a few dissident splinters). PI says that people would not vote yes if they lived in the UK, but what's the point of this "You don't live here, you have no idea!" rhetoric? When you're a Catholic in Northern Ireland, and you get Orange marches down your street every year, you might be more supportive of violent Republicanism even though you "live in the UK".
To be clear, terrorism is absolutely wrong, and bombings of civilians should be categorically condemned. But it's not as if all of sectarian violence in Northern Ireland was simply accidental, as if decisions made by successive British governments had nothing to do with it. Throughout this thread I haven't seen any mention of the repression of the civil rights movement (which led to the intensification of armed struggle), loyalist paramilitaries, the collusion with them by security forces, the parades issue, etc.
British leftists tend to look at the issue and pretend that there's nothing going on at all, that it's just some sectarian grievances by Catholics, and what has Britain got to do with it anyway, oh, and republican paramilitaries did bad things too! Without realising it, they are looking at the issue through a red-white-blue union flag lens. Sometimes they even act on it, like the trotskyist "Committee for a Workers International" who cooperated with the "left wing" of hardcore unionism, presenting them as "representatives of the protestant working class". These are Her Majesty's loyal revolutionary trotskyists.
I don't think the NI situation is directly comparable to Israel/Palestine, but one thing that cannot be denied is that, broadly speaking, the protestants were settlers used as part of a divide-and-conquer strategy. Nowadays, British imperialism no longer directly benefits economically from settling Northern Ireland, after all its position no longer depends on the amount of colonised territory that it holds, as it used to. However, they would hardly just want to give it away and allow a reunited Ireland either. Hence the current peace process, which is certainly better than open sectarian warfare, but will it really solve the underlying tensions? I doubt that.
The protestants in Northern Ireland have their own working class, with its own class interests. However, at the moment, they are being used to perpetuate the existing system. They are being mobilised to maintain the last vestiges of their supremacy and privileges: small provocations like the Orange parades through nationalist areas, the flying of the union flag in Belfast city hall, and larger issues like the maintenance of Northern Ireland as part of the UK. When the protestant working class of NI is bombarded with fear, uncertainty and doubt about demographic changes (catholic growth, protestant decline), nationalist violence, the loss of their privileges, etc., they will not be able to fight capitalism effectively. And as long as this keeps up, the peace process and all solutions to sectarian violence will only be temporary.
Unfortunately, certain sections of the British left encourage this, maybe because they have this populist and workerist conception that the current priorities of the protestant working class in Northern Ireland are part of class consciousness, rather than false consciousness, and so they turn a blind eye to some of the things outlined above. They should in fact argue that the weakening of British imperialism includes the undermining of its institutions. This will not lead to socialism in itself, but can still provide new opportunities, because they shatter the illusion that the system is stable, united and unbeatable. This can include things like Scottish independence or the end of Northern Ireland as a state that inherently promotes sectarianism.
Trying to convince the protestant working class of a socialist 32-county Ireland with civil rights for all denominations is not an easy position to take. It's difficult to convince people to give away privileges, and it's difficult to argue against people who have been taught all their lives that the NI situation is about "catholics vs protestants" and remind them of, for instance, the tradition of protestant republicans. It's far easier to turn a blind eye to union flag-waving and to pretend that the protestant workers have a long-term interest in maintaining their privileges within the sectarian statelet. But it must be done anyway, because all kinds of social gains and consciousness-building will be illusory if they ignore imperialism, if they ignore the nature of the state.